Pedro Sánchez’s astonishment at the battery of data bombarded by Núñez Feijóo focused the first part of the campaign. But the final part was determined by a journalist, Silvia Inxaurrondo, who, with rare precision and reckless tenacity, pointed out Feijóo’s tendency to say “inaccuracies”, as he himself describes them. Decisive last-minute events cannot be ruled out, but, for now, Inxaurrondo’s interview and Feijóo’s answers have placed the electoral discussion around who is the biggest liar. It was inevitable. In the post-truth era, what counts is imposing credible messages, even if they are unreal. As journalists, politicians, publicists and influencers know perfectly well, the voter craves, above the truth, that lie or “alternative fact” that confirms his prejudices.
Our journalism and our politics are inflamed with prejudice. The two Spains have not stopped confronting and radicalizing since the years of Aznar, who buried the consensual transition and reintroduced friend-enemy patriotism. But our old local confrontation is fueled by new global sap: the generalization throughout the West of the malaise of globalization. An imprecise and deep irritation born of many factors: loss of sovereignty in European countries, the fear of the future of the middle classes, American retreat, the emergence of China, the rebirth of Islam, the change of the human landscape due to migration, the disappearance of religions, technological disruption, worship of gender identities, climate chaos… The reaction (nostalgia for the past) is more fruitful on the right than on the left, because the university left has embraced cosmopolitanism (like the liberal right, which , yes, it is conservative in values). The attraction of the extreme right over the right, so visible in the United States (Trump), is rooted in the validity of a certain Francoist substrate, an identity cultural factor. Even in Italy the postmodern version of fascism is back. It won’t take long in France. The phenomenon is growing throughout Europe. The loss of sovereignty has fueled nationalisms.
Whoever wins, the elections in Spain will bring more identity conflict. But if this right wins that feels so seduced by the extreme right to the point of being confused with it (Madrid, Valencia, Mallorca), Spain will enter a new historical phase. The neo-centralizing and neo-liberal politics will have a lot of strength (high judiciary, right-wing voters, media), but the minorities will also remain strong. There will be enormous social, territorial and cultural conflict. Therefore, recentralizing and reactionary neoliberalism can only be imposed by abusing “the authoritarianism of the majority”. As if that weren’t enough, the victory of the Spanish right-wing will decant the map of Europe, whose unity will enter a decadent phase, if not implosion. This is what awaits us. Illiberalism is knocking at Spain’s door.
