Bilateral relations between Germany and Spain are deep in all areas, including military and security cooperation. The German Defense Minister, Boris Pistorius, is traveling to Madrid today to meet with his counterpart, Margarita Robles. The 63-year-old Social Democrat, who has been in charge of the Defense portfolio since mid-January, had developed his political career in the land of Lower Saxony, where he was responsible for the Interior and before mayor of his hometown, Osnabrück. On the occasion of his visit to Spain, the minister has responded in writing to questions from La Vanguardia in Berlin.

The Russian invasion of Ukraine triggered a historic turning point (Zeitenwende, as Chancellor Scholz called it) in Germany’s defense policy, with a promise to dedicate 100 billion euros to modernize the armed forces (Bundeswehr) and to invest in defense more than 2% of GDP. But this is going slowly. When will those goals be achieved?

The Russian invasion in violation of international law has led us to break a decades-old German taboo: the non-supply of weapons to conflict zones. This is news for the government, the Bundeswehr and also for society. Meanwhile, we are the main supporter of Ukraine in the EU, and the second after the United States next to Great Britain. Anti-aircraft defense, tanks, artillery, equipment for sappers, ammunition… Germany participates significantly. At the same time, we are strengthening our territorial defense capacity and that of the Atlantic Alliance, especially in the Baltic countries. And we also continue to develop our international missions, such as in the Sahel area. Last week our soldiers evacuated about 600 people from Sudan. This has allowed us to show that the Bundeswehr can rely on agreements with its partners and that it masters the cold start. In order to be able to do this in the future, we need funds. That’s why I advocate an increase in the regular defense budget next year. For me it is evident; 2% will be unavoidable.

You have recently lamented the 2011 suspension of compulsory military service for men. Would it be convenient to reinstate it? Would German society be willing to do so?

I have never advocated for the reintroduction of conscription. Even if you thought the suspension was a mistake, it’s clear that reintroducing it wouldn’t help in the current situation. We do not have the necessary capacities or funds for this. Therefore, it is an option that does not arise.

How can military and defense cooperation between Germany and Spain be increased, both industrially and strategically? Is the path the Germany-Spain-France project for NGWS weapon systems and the New Generation Fighter combat aircraft?

Our defense policy cooperation is already close and defined by trust, be it in NATO, the EU or bilaterally. Our positions on issues of the Alliance and on European policy coincide in almost all areas. The NGWS is a very important project, both for Europe’s defense capability and for our industrial competitiveness. I am convinced that our European industry is highly innovative, flexible and competitive. However, we have to further strengthen our ties of cooperation, coordinate more closely. This also implies a homogenization of the excessive number of different weapon systems in Europe, and includes very close industrial cooperation. In this sense, NGWS can become a flagship project.

The German government was reluctant to send Leopard 2 tanks to Ukraine, to finally approve it and lead a coalition of countries, including Spain, that supply them. Will we see in the German attitude a similar evolution with the western combat planes that Volodimir Zelensky requests? Is the recent German authorization to Poland for the shipment to Ukraine of Soviet MIG-29s manufactured in the former GDR a first step?

First of all, I want to thank Spain for its participation in the Leopard 2 coalition. It was important to Berlin that we coordinate closely with our allies on this issue as well. We have done so again in this case, especially together with the United States. The issue of MiG-29 fighter jets is completely different. This is not about deliveries of active Bundeswehr stocks, as in the case of our ultra-modern Leopard 2 A6, but about the re-export authorization of five MiG-29s from the former stocks of the ex-GDR armed forces. Polish President Duda already announced during Ukrainian President Zelensky’s visit to Warsaw on April 5 that he would deliver Polish MiG-29s to Ukraine. When the Polish request arrived, we reacted quickly and the same day we made a joint decision with the German government.

At the recent meeting in Ramstein of the Contact Group for military support for Kyiv, it was decided to increase the delivery of anti-aircraft defense, ammunition and spare parts. Is this and the few Leopards dispatched enough for the counteroffensive that the Ukrainian army is planning?

Germany has kept its word. In March we delivered to Ukraine 18 modern Leopard 2 A6s and 40 Marder infantry fighting vehicles, in addition to other packages such as urgently needed spare parts and ammunition. In addition, I successfully and intensively lobbied our partners for more support; in the end, we managed to provide a brigade. But we do not give up on our efforts. In addition to this, the Netherlands and Denmark announced the delivery of tanks. And the delivery of Leopard 1 A5 main battle tanks has only just begun. This is the result of an initiative of the countries together with Germany. In addition, the training of more than a hundred Ukrainian soldiers on the Leopard 1 has just started this week. The delivery of up to 80 Leopard 1 main battle tanks will begin in the middle of the year. We at Ramstein have also paved the way for the establishment of a maintenance center for the Leopard 2 fleet in Poland. This will go a long way in ensuring the sustained action capability of the delivered materiel, which, of course, always wears out in combat.

Due to the reluctance so far, Germany’s popularity in the countries on the eastern flank of NATO has declined. You recently traveled to Lithuania. How is Germany working to rebuild confidence in the area?

My impression during the trip to Lithuania was that our cooperation is intense, and that it is based on friendship and trust. In our talks, the Lithuanian government was very pleased with our presence. Apart from that, we are actively assuming responsibilities in the Baltic region, by land, sea and air. In this context, I think it is important that the Allies, and especially those most heavily involved militarily in this exposed part of the eastern flank, closely coordinate their activities to generate maximum synergies. That is why I have created the format 3 3: the defense ministers of the three Baltic countries and the three framework nations present there, that is, in addition to Germany, also Great Britain and Canada. In this way, and with the various contributions from Germany along the entire eastern flank, we are helping to increase the effectiveness and credibility of the deterrence and defense of the Atlantic Alliance. This is where we will continue our cooperation. Security builds trust.