Beyond personal sympathies or dislikes, for some time Yolanda DÃaz did not see clearly that Irene Montero occupied a place in the Sumar lists. But without the patacada of 28-M it would not have been possible for him to remove the Minister of Equality. Although the departure of Pablo Iglesias was heralded for his charisma, that of Montero is symbolic because it marked the arrival of the first left-wing coalition government. From her clash with the feminists of the PSOE to the law of only yes is yes, the minister has been the voice of the most purist Podemos, which has contributed (together with the pacts with ERC) to drawing an extremist Executive in permanent conflict . Pedro Sánchez considered his relief, but avoided it in order not to create more internal problems and harm DÃaz. Both of them came to the conclusion long ago that Montero’s high ideological voltage and his cultural battles were a slab. It thus became the elephant in the room.
Two phenomena were running in parallel: the deflation of Podemos and the conflicts over the management of Montero.
The 15-M was the driving force behind Podemos. That movement gained strength in the midst of a brutal crisis, with terrifying unemployment, the news reports spitting out images of evictions while banks demanded bailouts and some pro-homs paraded through the courts. A total regeneration of public life was called for in the squares. 15-M had an impact on Spanish politics to the point that PP leaders were sympathetic. Pablo Iglesias understood like no one else the political possibilities of that movement and gave way to a speech of “challenge”, that of “caste”, that of the frontal clash with the media, financial, judicial or political “powers”. But Spanish society is no longer at that point.
Twelve years have passed since 15-M, enough for many of those who were excited then to have long ago passed through the stage of disappointment. In the post-pandemic scenario, more critical factors are prioritized than the transformative epic of 2011. It could be summed up as a logical desire to live (hence the success of Ayuso’s slogans on freedom: fewer rules, less interventionism…) underpinned by uncertainties such as inflation or drought. The language of contestation has been running out while the management of Podemos in the Government created discomfort and only made the most convinced people cower. Until the purples bumped head-on with reality on 28- M.
That blow allowed DÃaz to remove Montero from the lists of Sumar. The process has been arduous and has left scars. We can guarantee eight deputies with whom they could form a mixed subgroup if relations deteriorate further, but they have signed a commitment of unity. Without Iglesias or Montero, Podemos does not have a strong leadership. Ione Belarraha tried to cover his shoulders, first by consulting the militancy to have his endorsement in the negotiation and then with an online vote of the state council on Friday on the list for Madrid, in which Montero was no longer there, unanimously ratified. Beyond Podemos, the Sumar conglomerate is, by nature, unstable. But it starts from the conviction that the message must be more transversal, not for a stronghold as IU was in its day. For example, Ada Colau has reinvented herself from PAH activist to champion of the green city. For Podemos, this is “cuqui left”. The purples presented themselves in Madrid with a huge poster with the face of Ayuso’s brother to indicate favorable treatment. But it didn’t work and they only succeeded in mobilizing the right.
Yolanda DÃaz closed the Podemos cycle yesterday. It is the decline of one of the “available utopias” defined by Marina Subirats, in reference to independence. For Sánchez, the launch of Sumar without Montero is good news. His relationship with the Moors has brought him confrontations with his barons and a disinterest in his electorate, which is more reluctant to conflict, as reflected in Andalusia, for example. But it can hardly arrive in time to reverse the disaffection caused by some of its voters.
