“We need to put an end to what cannot be named”, says Svetlana, a retired woman holding her husband’s arm as she joins a long queue in the center of Moscow to give her details and her support to Borís Nadezhdin, the ‘the only candidate to challenge Vladimir Putin in the March elections in Russia who is betting on peace with Ukraine.
In recent weeks, Nadezhdin has become a phenomenon among disaffected Russians, both for those who have been with the opposition in the Kremlin all their lives and for those who have never thought about politics but want the conflict to end ‘Once. Thousands of people in the Russian capital and other cities are lining up to sign and be admitted as a candidate in next March’s elections. But in order to register as a candidate, he needs to submit 100,000 signatures to the Central Electoral Commission before January 31.
He is the “only hope” of anti-war Russia, says another couple, Aleksandr and Natasha, two young people who work in the education sector, on Furman Lane, not far from the popular Chistie Prudí pond. And in view of the impossibility of demonstrating against the war, which could entail fines and prison terms, the signature collection campaign has become for many “the only non-dangerous way to do something; Nadejdin is a symbol for us”, says Aleksandr. Interestingly, the applicant’s surname comes from the Russian first name Nadejda, which means “hope”.
According to Russian law, independent candidates must collect 300,000 signatures. This is the case of Putin himself, who despite having the support of his United Russia party and its ally Just Russia, has been betting for years on the strategy of dissociating himself from the political fight and the drop in popularity of his same training His team has collected more than three million signatures, ten times more than needed, and has already delivered them this week.
If an independent is endorsed by a political party, like Nadejdin, who is supported by the Civic Initiative formation, 100,000 signatures are required.
They do not need endorsements, on the contrary, those presented by parties with deputies in Parliament. This is the case of the ultra-nationalist Leonid Slutski, of the Liberal-Democratic Party; Vladislav Davankov, from Gent Nova; and Nikolai Jarítonov, for the Communist Party, currently the only candidates who already have the approval of the electoral body.
“I have come to support Nadezhdin, actually dragged along by my son”, says Olga before introducing Artyom, who was saving her place in the row by enduring the winter storm that is falling on the Russian capital these days. “It’s a way of speaking out against all of us, since in reality the other candidates support the current government. It’s a symbol of protest”, intervenes this one. “Besides, it’s the only thing we can do. I support Nadezhdin because he has promised to put an end to corruption and the OME”, he explains, referring to the “special military operation”, the official euphemism by which the Russian army’s military intervention in Ukraine that Putin ordered almost two years ago.
As retired Svetlana said, in Russia uttering words such as “war”, “invasion” or “aggression” can be interpreted as discrediting the army and imply a fine or prison.
Borís Nadejdin, 60, is a veteran but little-known politician. Alderman in Dolgoprudni, a city of 120,000 inhabitants 20 kilometers north of Moscow, at the beginning of the century he was a state deputy for a liberal party. In his electoral manifesto, he maintains that he presents himself as “a principled opponent of the policies of the current president”. He openly calls for an end to the conflict against Ukraine, and if elected promises an end to mobilization and the return home of prisoners of war.
In addition to ending the war, many who arrive at the candidate’s offices are confident that his candidacy will mark the end of the Putin era, says Lev, a telecommunications engineer in his early 20s who he reaches for the tail distracted in the depths of his headphones. It is an “alternative to vertical power”, represented by Putin and built since Boris Yeltsin ceded the presidency to him on the last day of 1999.
Nadejdin’s team has already obtained 100,000 signatures this week, according to the count that appears every day on its website. But he decided to continue until 150,000 to have a mattress in case of mistakes and because, according to the law, there must be at least 2,500 from each region. On Saturday, he had far exceeded this goal, with more than 197,000 supporters.
“I’ve come to support Nadejdin because my heart told me to,” says Svetlana, a professor, to La Vanguardia’s questions after leaving the aspirant’s offices. “It’s an opportunity. Time will tell if something can be changed in our country later, but we must take advantage of it”.
After turning off the music and politely apologizing, Lev, for his part, confesses that this was not his first choice for the March 15, 16 and 17 elections. “I wanted to support Duntsova, but they didn’t allow her to run,” he explains.
In the fall, journalist Yekaterina Duntsova became a fresh face for these elections. She presented herself hoping to make Russia “a prosperous democracy and a peaceful state”. But in December the Electoral Commission refused to register it citing flaws in its documents. He couldn’t even begin collecting signatures. “Also, I think the more candidates there are, the better it will be. I hope that he will be allowed to present himself”, adds Lev.
Duntsova has asked her supporters to support Nadejdin. Prominent figures from the outlawed opposition have also shown support, such as the anti-corruption activist Aleksei Navalni, imprisoned for 30 years in an Arctic prison for several convictions; and the ex-oil tycoon now in exile Mikhaïl Khodorkovsky, among others. This partly explains the massive influx of supports in recent weeks.
But having the support of the leaders of the opposition not accepted by the government can bring a problem to Nadejdin and compromise his candidacy. The politician has denied that he is endorsed by the opposition and has also denied being a product of the Kremlin, as he has been accused from the other side of the barrier.
