A few weeks ago, the Valencian Community was a benchmark for the possibility of all the lefts with representation in the Valencian Courts to govern the institutions. The known as the “Valencian formula”, pioneered in Spain and called the Botanic agreement, integrated by the PSPV, Compromís and Unides Podem, was even emulated by the Government of Pedro Sánchez, with the government coalition with Podemos and the parliamentary alliances to the left. This was a few weeks ago, because, since yesterday, autonomy has become a reference for the possibility of the Spanish right, of the PP and Vox, thanks to the results of the 28-M. Formations that yesterday obtained a ” principle of agreement” that allows Carlos Mazón, who has enjoyed full autonomy in negotiations, to guarantee his investiture as president of the Generalitat and to form a government, a priori stable, to face the legislature. The price for the PP has not been very different from what the party paid in 1995 when it agreed with Unió Valenciana for Eduardo Zaplana to be president: he cedes the presidency of the Valencian Courts and will hand over some ministries to Santiago Abascal’s formation. The PP talks about 10 departments if you count the president, of which two or three would be in the hands of Vox. History does not repeat itself, but it always presents quite a few coincidences.
Carlos Mazón, who yesterday was “very satisfied” with the pact, always defended the intention of a single government; but the intention seemed impossible due to the will that Vox has shown during the campaign to occupy plots of power in the Valencian Community. In addition, arithmetic did not give him room for maneuver; with 40 deputies, he needed at least 10 of Vox’s 13 to get it (the absolute majority is 50). The question was how the agreement would be made, which was inevitable. In this case, one factor may have served as a trigger: the conviction for abuse of the ex-wife of the Vox candidate, Carlos Flores. Borja Sémper made it clear on Monday that accepting Flores would not be possible, that it was a “red line”. Alberto Núñez Feijóo, who yesterday conveyed support and congratulations to Mazón, did not wish to present to public opinion a pact that provided for accepting an abuser a few weeks before 23- J. The solution, in the end, was simple: the leader of Vox in Valencia will not be part of either the Valencian executive or the Valencian Courts. He will be the head of the list for Valencia in Congress. Santiago Abascal has sacrificed a piece for a greater goal, which was to enter to occupy power in the main institution of the Valencians. Mazón, in a press conference, assured that the decision to do without Flores was made by the ultra-nationalist formation.
The PP and Vox did not specify how power will be distributed in the Valencian administration; in other words, it is not yet known which ministries each of the formations will manage, a question that is not minor in an autonomy that is the third most important presided over by the PP and which, unlike Madrid and Andalusia, is bilingual. But Mazón made some programmatic priorities clear, such as pushing for a tax cut; strengthen public health, for which private management is not ruled out; reduce the number of ministries and senior positions and, as he stated, “turn the Valencian Community into a key part of the change in Spain”.
Yesterday’s meeting offered more data on the good understanding between the two formations in the Valencian Community: they agreed on the government of Elche City Council, the third largest city in the Community. Other deals are close to closing in Crevillent or Torrent. The Valencian PP has guaranteed the support of the far right in all these cases.
The pact liquidates the project of Ximo Puig and his government partners started in 2015, when the left managed to recover the institutions after 20 years of PP executives. Mazón therefore becomes the fifth president of this party in the Valencian Community after Eduardo Zaplana, José Luís Olivas, Francisco Camps and Alberto Fabra. He starts from a more advantageous situation than the numbers say, since, in addition to the Generalitat, he leads a party that will manage the three provincial capitals, two provincial councils and most of the big cities. He also manages to become a reference for the national PP, a baron, without the comfortable situation of others like Ayuso or Moreno Bonilla; but he will be the president of an autonomy that gives the PP almost territorial hegemony in Spain.
The success of the Valencian right-wing government agreement could be repeated today in the Balearic Islands, where the PP and Vox will also hold the first meeting to try to reach one. Balears was also a benchmark for the complicity of the left with the presidency of Francina Armengol. Now, with the Valencian, it is another autonomy that symbolizes a change of cycle. And it can last for many years.
