The pact between the PP and Vox in the Valencian Community has crossed the red lines of the feminist consensus, especially around a fundamental issue: gender violence. The pact points to future scenarios in the Government of Spain and again questions feminism, extinguished after a legislature of internal struggle in the coalition. Point 43 refers to the “eradication of domestic violence and equality among all victims”, concepts that seek to abolish the bases for combating gender violence. Will there be a reaction to the generals?

Despite the sluggishness in the feminist movement, these pacts can produce a change of scenery because feminism in a broad sense is already part of the identity of many women. There is a social feminism, far from the struggles, in which many women are represented and that emanates from the great mobilizations of 8-M.

The agreement between the PP and Vox in Castilla y León changed the Spanish political map, explains Cristina Monge, a political scientist and professor of Sociology (University of Zaragoza), but there was no clear visibility in Spanish society as a whole. This great change that affects basic pillars in equality policies between men and women is now beginning to be made explicit with the agreements that are being signed on the municipal and regional map of Spain. 187 pacts have been closed between PP and Vox in the town halls, which are now constituted.

In Valencia, the agreement is deep. The red lines of what is the general consensus around equality policies are crossed. Vox presents Carlos Flores to the generals, convicted of gender violence. But you have to go to the letter of the agreement. The introduction of the concept of intra-family violence and equality between the victims pursues Vox’s objective of gradually replacing the concept of gender violence. That is to say, denying that there is violence that is exercised against women for the fact of being so. That occurs in a structure of inequality of power of men over women.

Until now, explains Cristina Monge, feminism took it for granted that the great consensuses -subscribed by the PP- were not going to be broken. But the stage is shifting and this may cause him to go on the offensive. It is not done from one day to the next, feminism is not a political party and acts in another way.

The wear and tear on the feminist movement in this legislature has been evident thanks to the differences between the PSOE and Podemos on gender identity policies. It is therefore difficult for the reaction to the threat to women’s rights to come from the institutions. If the recent 28-M campaign is observed, there were hardly any references to equality policies.

But feminism has left an important social footprint during all these years and especially in many women who have endorsed the fight for equality, whose success started from the massive demonstrations of 8-M in 2018 and 2019. For this reason, And as Maria Freixanet, a gender researcher (ICPS) explains, there may be a reaction to the threat of the ultra-right by this social, cultural, transversal feminism that is farthest from the most militant circle and, therefore, outside of controversy . Citizenship has changed, explains Freixanet, and feminism has become a matter of identity, especially for young women. A non-negotiable issue. It is logical that the visualization of the PP-Vox pact provokes a response at the polls. In this 2023, 23 women have been murdered by their partners or ex-partners.

There are two great consensuses in feminism: the fight against gender violence –Vox denies that it exists- and the right to abortion. The pact in the Valencian Community visualizes, it is indicated, the real advance of the ultra-right. Looking back, the representatives of this formation began by not attending the minutes of silence when there was a sexist murder. Later, it was seen how unanimity was broken in the State Pact against Gender Violence. And now these policies reach local and regional agreements. Thus, there may be an awakening of the vote of women who in recent years have felt challenged by the fight for equality.

Feminism is taken for granted by left-wing formations. Monge indicates that it is a vote that does not contribute to the left because it is already won beforehand but, instead, it can be lost. A situation that could be drawn for 23-J – a demobilization – but that the PP-Vox pacts can return when the fuse is lit.

Political scenarios change rapidly. The PP had brought its theses closer to more moderate postulates knowing the discomfort in feminism with the government coalition in the final stretch of the legislature. It was not about thinking that the feminists were going to vote for the PP, but about seeking a demobilization.

The political scientist raises two questions. In the first place, if the PP is comfortable with the “Valencia model” and is going to exhibit it in the campaign. Secondly, she wonders if it is the strategy that this formation has already followed in Andalusia, generating fear towards Vox that will revert in favor of the PP vote.

Thus, many questions are opened before this upcoming 23-J. It will be possible to intuit if there is movement in the coming weeks. In the PP there is an internal debate on equality policies in the pacts with Vox. President Pedro Sánchez has been silent these days, letting the focus be on the pacts.