Aside from external factors, those that emanate from political, economic, financial or judicial institutions located in Madrid or in other geographies such as Catalonia, the Valencian left is collaborating, and a lot, to ensure that the Valencian PP of Carlos Mazón and María José Catalá is achieving a calm and almost balsamic start to the legislature. The popular ones are more concerned, on occasions and not many, by the involutionist and ultra drive of Vox, especially in the Valencia City Council, than by the action of a left-wing opposition that is in the phase of rebuilding leadership and ideas. With the risk, in the case of the PSPV, of entering the time tunnel, taking a leap back, and fighting again like when the Internet or social networks did not exist and collusions were organized by political families in restaurants until dawn. With the risk of starting a journey, for years, to nowhere. It would not be the first time.
The Valencian socialists have started a dangerous poker game that could end up turning into “Russian roulette.” Classic tactics, organic plumbing, and hasty bets, in which the national leadership of the PSOE, that is, Ferraz, wants to act as the bank, and it is already known that the bank, almost always, wins. With that risky bet on Diana Morant to replace Ximo Puig without making a slow reading of the history of the PSPV. With Alejandro Soler, the provincial secretary of Alicante, demanding the opportunity from him, the one he has been waiting for for decades. And with the third candidate, Carlos Fernández Bielsa, observing and controlling the times. Does Diana Morant really want to go down into the trenches and face an organic battle? Will the minister present a candidacy and will one of the other two candidates specify her intentions? Does Ximo Puig have a plan B in the person of Pilar Bernabé if Diana Morant rejects the offer? A good connoisseur of the internal life of Valencian socialism warned me: “this is getting stuck.” He has all the reason.
Nor is the Compromís coalition to raise its chest, orphaned, for more than a year, of a reference that serves both as an interlocutor with other political options (the relationship with Sumar is for a separate article) and as a guide to militants and voters. The withdrawal of Mónica Oltra was a much harder blow than initially thought: it left the political project deeply weakened, which was evident on March 28. There is no identifiable leadership, there is a group of leaders, distributed between the Valencian Cortes and the Congress (Joan Baldoví and Àgueda Micó), without sometimes remaining who has the last word in Compromís at the beginning of this Valencian legislature. More serious is what Hèctor Sanjuán tells today in La Vanguardia, about the dismemberment of PV Initiative, Oltra’s party and second leg of the Valencian coalition.
Podemos or Podem, as you already know, has disappeared from the Valencian political ecosystem. Does not exist. The former leaders of Pablo Iglesias’ project in the Valencian Community are not even present on social networks. The training that was once key support for the Botànic project is now, simply, history. The events of “Magariños” prior to 28-M, to present Yolanda Díaz’s Sumar project, accelerated the failure of the left to the left of the PSPV and Compromís, and all of them have ended up paying dearly for it. Some are now trying, in the shadow of Sumar, to reactivate an alternative project that would violate the pact with Compromís so as not to be present in the Valencian Community. Worst impossible.
The aforementioned left-wing actors have also broken the bridges between them. El Botànic, that complicity forged in 2015 between the Valencian left to govern the institutions, is now the stuff of a documentary. A scenario that makes opposition action even more difficult for a Valencian PP that hopes to reach 2027 with an absolute and hegemonic majority, and with Vox unable to overcome the 5% electoral barrier. In a few weeks and months, these left masses will have to decide if they want to reactivate themselves as government options or if they are going to succumb to the fratricidal impulses that could lead them, in some cases, to political insignificance in the next regional elections. I’m not exaggerating; It already happened in the past.
