The complicated situation to the left of the PSPV in the Valencian Community and the fear that the right wing will govern again (this time with the essential support of Vox) directly and indirectly favors Yolanda Díaz’s project. The departure of Mónica Oltra, undisputed ally of the Spanish vice president until her indictment, could seem like a problem to understand Compromís, but the Valencian coalition does not close the doors to a negotiation.
The Valencianists have always preferred to go to the polls alone, but they are aware that the departure of their maximum referent places them in a situation of certain electoral weakness, no matter how hard some make an effort to point out that the deputy in Congress, Joan Baldoví, can fill that hollow.
The negotiation will not be easy since Compromís will not give up its autonomy. They want a pact like the one they signed with Íñigo Errejón where they do not have problems when drawing up the lists or deciding on Valencian issues. More Country has respected that to the point of not seeking to have a structure in the Valencian Community.
In Compromís they are aware that if Yolanda Díaz wants to have a good result, she needs a structure with implantation in the territory. And they have it; circumstance that would allow them a position of strength in the negotiation.
There is another derivative that Compromís takes into account and that is that the movement that Yolanda Díaz intends to embody, if it goes well, can mobilize that left-wing electorate that election after election takes refuge in abstention. They believe that it can be a valid formula to revive the left and return to the voting standards of 2015. It cannot be forgotten that in the 2019 general elections the conservative forces already added more than the Botànic as a whole. And that election after election the sum of the lefts are losing support.
Another theory is that Yolanda Díaz could take a bite out of the socialist electorate which, in turn, can fight with the PP for the center voter. In the end, to reissue the Botànic, the forces of the left have to add more than the rival block.
The one who will surely put his entire organization at the service of the vice president with the PCE card is Esquerra Unida. It may seem like a minor thing but it is not. The EU presented itself in the 2019 municipal elections with two brands: with Unides Podem -in most large cities- it added 92,349 and 52 councilors but alone it reached 55,455 ballots and achieved 120 municipal acts, a remarkable example of its territorial implementation. The US sees in Díaz its best bet since it already considers the coalition alone with Podem to be amortized.
In the Valencian branch of Podemos they are not as disbelieving as at the state level and they welcome Díaz’s intentions. They point out that they have always opted for unity from “a well-founded programmatic process” and deny that they do so for fear of not exceeding the 5% barrier: “We have stabilized, let’s see what happens with Compromís that has gone into a tailspin in the polls”.
They believe that Díaz’s formula can mobilize the Valencian electorate and restore their illusion “as long as it is not considered as a distribution of power between old political parties as has happened in Andalusia.” In this line they point out that the sum can multiply because it would once again generate expectations among the left-wing electorate.
