The victory of Emmanuel Macron in the French presidential elections of May 2017 created a model: party-platform, digital personalism, diffuse centrism, enameled by an unequivocal Europeanism. The coalition of those who believe that everything will be fine. With Macron, the word transversal became fashionable and many came to the conclusion that the old parties had died.

Macronism crossed the Pyrenees and had two declines. Rosa/rosae and dominus/domini. Albert Rivera played at being a very Spanish Macron, very dominus, until he crashed Ciudadanos against the rocks of the suicidal electoral repetition of 2019. He wanted to be the most Spanish of all and the extreme right devoured him.

Pedro Sánchez was a centrist socialist in his beginnings and in the name of the rose he turned to the left when he discovered the push of Podemos. He reverted to Macronian profiles between April and November 2019, believing that a repeat general election would benefit him. It was not like that and he had no choice but to agree on a coalition government with United We Can, a group strongly personified by Pablo Iglesias. (Outside the Government of his own free will, Iglesias continues to be the soul of Podemos). The electoral platform that Vice President Yolanda Díaz is currently projecting under the name of Sumar may end up being the third Hispanic declension of macronismo. Plebs/plebis.

France always radiates, but Italy is not short. When they do not carry a French label, fashion trends in Europe carry an Italian label. It has been this way since the twenties of the last century. And now comes the moment Meloni,

A strong female leadership, opposed to hegemonic feminism. Hard conservatism, rampant nationalism, but obedient to Brussels because there is no other choice, granite Atlanticism waiting for the Republican Party to return to the presidency of the United States. Clear and challenging language. Directism at a time of enormous uncertainty and great fear. tense institutionality. Formal correction and continuous nods to the geeks of incorrectness. To challenge progressive feminism, the new Italian prime minister has ordered to be addressed as “Mr. President of the Council of Ministers.”

Prime Minister Giorgia Meloni has a corpse in the closet – his youthful sympathy for Benito Mussolini –, which he has tried to bury with a severe condemnation of the laws of racial persecution approved by fascism in 1938: the minimum required to preside over a country of the European Union. Distancing, without comprehensive condemnation of fascism. “Non rinnegare, non restaurare”, the old slogan of Giorgio Almirante. One of the new undersecretaries of the Italian Government has appeared photographed with the swastika on his forearm. Small details with importance.

The Meloni moment will have an impact in Spain. He is already having it. While the new leader of the Italian nationalist right takes command, the diarchy reappears in the Spanish Popular Party. The resounding retreat of Alberto Núñez Feijóo in the pact for the renewal of the General Council of the Judiciary has sent a message to all of society: Isabel Díaz Ayuso still commands the PP. She has the floor at decisive moments since she has fundamental media support in Madrid.

Díaz Ayuso could be the Spanish Meloni, without problems in the closet. He does not have to give explanations about past militancy and he belongs to the European People’s Party. (Meloni will one day knock on the door of the PPE). At the moment in which the price of the leadership leaders rises, Díaz Ayuso reappears as diarch of the Popular Party. Meloni embodies the Roman hard right. Díaz Ayuso is the diva of all the Madrid right, the warm, the semi, the strong and the toughest. If Núñez Feijóo does not manage to get out of the pothole in which he now finds himself and Díaz Ayuso achieves another great victory in the regional elections in May, the Galician politician’s candidacy for the 2023 general elections will be questioned by the same people who have now forced him to brake. The shaking campaign is already underway.

There is another possible Meloni on the Spanish stage. A more anecdotal and perhaps provisional Meloni. After her relative failure in the Andalusian elections in June, Macarena Olona has decided to create a new platform, apart from Vox. Olona does not want to evoke Meloni, she wants to imitate her. Her sponsors have smelled the Italian moment. They will remain waiting for the elections next May and if Vox falters they will launch themselves into the approach of Santiago Abascal, a repetitive male.

Giorgia Meloni will set a trend in Spain.