The data is stubborn and serves to explain the change in the cycle that, without palliatives, occurred on 28-M in the Valencian Community. Despite the fact that the analysts of the left-wing parties (and the contamination of the CIS) pointed out that there was no “drive for change”, the three forces that make up the Botànic left 176,559 votes on the night of the count. In large part, weighed down by the Unides Podem debacle.

The big winners of a night that did not bring the expected emotions were PP and Vox, who obtained 375,785 more ballots than four years ago. The right-wing kept a large part of the loot from Ciudadanos (it obtained 470,000 votes in 2019) that allows them to reorder and make the conservative political space more competitive.

The great winner of 28-M, pushed by the wave of majorities at the national level, was the PP candidate and future president of the Generalitat Valenciana, Carlos Mazón, who doubled the results (adds 16.52% more votes and 21 new deputies). The anti-Sanchismo that the PP has known how to play so well during the electoral campaign allows the Alicante leader to place the PP back at the voting levels of the 2015 and 2016 general elections that allowed Mariano Rajoy to be president of the Government until the motion of censorship. The 23-J called yesterday will measure what is the ceiling of the new PP.

And it is that the popular ones burst all the polls (not even the last one from GAD3 predicted such a growth) and rose to 40 deputies after winning in the three provinces. If at the community level they achieved 35.37% of the votes, the 38.83% from Alicante was especially significant. The popular ones rise almost 20 points and go from 7 to 15 deputies in the province where they took refuge during the botanical years. In fact, it is striking that in that province, Vox loses votes, although it wins one seat (it is the PP that keeps the majority of the 160,000 that Ciudadanos loses).

And it is that the results of the extreme right must be looked at carefully in the Valencian Community as a whole. Vox increases three deputies despite raising just 20,000 votes. The concentration of the vote favors him and allows him to scratch one more deputy per province. However, the candidacy led by Carlos Flores also suffers from the useful vote in favor of the PP and with 300,000 votes (12.7%) it is far from the 468,134 (18.6%) it obtained in the last general elections.

On the left the results are mixed. The PSPV is holding up well, adding almost 50,000 new votes and reaching 31 deputies (four more than in 2019), placing itself in the positive range of most surveys. However, they are insufficient to repeat the botanical formula. The coalition government partners are not up to the task. Compromís, despite the fact that it seemed that it could equal the results of 2019 and circumvent the political disappearance of Mónica Oltra, lost almost 95,000 votes, although the hole to the left was made by Unides Podem, which left more than 130,000 and did not achieve in all the night of the recount to approach the electoral barrara of 5%. And that the participation was not excessively high and the bar to enter the Corts Valencianes was not as expensive as the first advances in participation anticipated.

The 85,500 votes of UP, despite the final effort of Pablo Iglesias, place the formation outside the autonomous Parliament. The collapse of the political space of Podem and the EU is spectacular. When the first cycle of the Botànic began, the sum of both formations separately reached almost 390,000 votes.

In two legislatures they have lost 300,000 ballots. In the two legislatures of progressive governments in the Valencian Community, the parties to the left of the PSPV have been losing 400,000 support. Compromís began the electoral cycle with 460,000 votes and now has 100,000 less. Only the socialists have been growing as the years of management progressed.