The PP-Vox pact in the Valencian Community clarifies, if anyone thought it was hidden, the unknown that has never been: Santiago Abascal will be vice-president of Spain if Alberto Núñez Feijóo requires the contest of the far right to reach Moncloa. As we also know, in this case from experience, that Sánchez will only be able to continue living in the presidential palace if he obtains a majority that includes the entire gang that has accompanied him throughout the abruptly ended legislature.
No matter how many face-to-face Sánchez-Feijóo we could swallow, this is not about two individuals, it is about gangs and brigands. The Valencian Community, Extremadura, the Balearic Islands, and the many municipalities where the PP-Vox agreement will be cloned, provide, in this sense, much more information than a thousand debates broadcast on all the television channels. The same happens if one looks to the left. To know what Pedro Sánchez offers, more than debates, what needs to be done is to review the work of government and his career as president.
No one will be able to argue this time that he is going to the polls deceived. Which, if we’re being honest, didn’t happen in the last general election. The reader will remember how Pedro Sánchez then went through less than a nothing of the night terrors when he imagined governing with Podemos to enthusiastically embrace Pablo Iglesias. Or denying bread and salt to pro-independence supporters to negotiate the investiture with Oriol Junqueras in exchange for a pardon for the jailed leaders of the process. Today, 40 days before the election, the voter knows exactly, unless he wants to be on the moon consciously, the price that will mark the bread after the vote. And that is democratically sound. Face down!
Fear goes through neighborhoods, each one its own. If one is capable of being in the shoes of others, he clearly warns that the voter with a conservative accent, even the faintest one, is more afraid of Gabriel Rufián announcing that the price of Pedro Sánchez’s investiture will rise, or Arnaldo Otegi in the role of faedor of the kings of Moncloa, that Santiago Abastal with a ministry of the family. Sumar, with Podemos turned into a wax doll, makes less of a fuss now than to date in the conservative spectrum. But, even so, the memory of the past legislature – particularly, the trans law and the only yes is yes law, not attributable exclusively to Irene Montero – is recent enough for the voter who steps from the center to the right and who I would never vote Vox would prefer Iván Espinosa de los Monteros as Minister of Agriculture than a new government of Pedro Sánchez accompanied by the multi-party entourage that has supported him. So, the leaders of the PP got it right with the reading: they will not pay any price to open the door of the institutions to Vox. In votes, the amount is taken for granted.
Another thing is the reaction capacity that the PP-Vox regional and municipal pacts can cause on the left. But Iván Redondo is right when he points to the fact that the humiliation of Irene Montero, Pablo Echenique and Podemos as a whole, even if it has formally guaranteed unity in the world of taifes that is Sumar, remains energy for mobilization at a time when each vote, be it to the supply ship – PSOE – or to the secondary actors – Sumar – is essential to reverse the unanimous projections on the end of Sanchism. There is little time, moreover, to go from stabbing each other in the back to joint, enthusiastic and extreme mobilization. Even worse if we consider that we are about to welcome summer, close schools and enter the time of the year with less information consumption.
A last paragraph dedicated to a true friend who years ago convinced me to open my door to journalism. Francesc-Marc Álvaro leaves La Vanguardia to go to Congress with the ERC umbrella. As a reader, like you, I will miss him. Apart from that, he already knows that when we beat him in these lines it will be with the affection that friendship guarantees.
